What examples of abuse can sociopaths build

Forms of sexual abuse of children and adolescents

Child sexual abuse means that a person engages in sexual acts with a child, directs a child to engage in such acts on himself or a third party, or shows him or her in pornography. Sexual abuse is understood to include, in particular, the following acts:

  • sexual intercourse with children against their will (rape)
  • engaging in sexual acts on a child against their will for their own sexual stimulation. This includes intimate touches on primary and secondary genitals (see Sexual Characteristics).

The broad definitions include the following actions:

  • the execution of sexual intercourse with children, regardless of the will of the child
  • engaging in sexual acts on a child for their own sexual stimulation, regardless of the child's will
  • directing a child to engage in sexual acts on themselves
  • [Exhibitionism | exhibitionistic] acts in front of a child
  • auditioning [pornography | pornographic representations] in front of a child

Today will be the subjective experience important importance is attached to the victims, i.e. the individual experiences of the victims play a central role in the definition of sexual abuse. The danger here is that, for example, harmless violations, such as suggestive looks, are already understood as sexual assault (cf. Engfer 1998, p. 1007).

Saller (1987, p. 29ff) distinguishes between three areas of sexual exploitation:

  • Clear shapes:
    • Genital-oral intercourse (cunnilingus, fellatio);
    • Penetration into the child's anus with finger (s), penis or foreign body;
    • Penetration of the child's vagina with finger (s), penis or foreign object;
  • Other exploitative forms that also represent a use of the child's body for the satisfaction of the adult:
    • Touching or manipulating the child's genitals;
    • Causing the child to touch or manipulate the adult's genitals;
    • Masturbation in the presence of the child;
    • Causing the child to masturbate in the presence of the adult;
    • Rubbing the penis on the child's body;
    • Showing pornographic images;
  • Behaviors that are often recognized in retrospect as the beginning of sexual exploitation:
    • The adult shows himself naked in front of the child.
    • The adult shows the child his genitals.
    • The adult wants to "examine" the child's body.
    • Observing the child while undressing, bathing, washing, on the toilet, possibly offers of help.
    • Kissing the child in an intimate way ("French kiss").
    • Education of the child about sexuality inappropriately for age, which does not correspond to the child's interests, but serves the exhibitionistic and / or voyeuristic needs of the adult.

Sexual abuse of children and adolescents

In the case of sexual abuse or rape of children and adolescents, most of the perpetrators are children or adolescents themselves, with girls predominantly perceived as victims, but mostly overlooked as perpetrators. Ingrid Wolff-Dietz (2007) warns against underestimating the perpetrator potential in girls. Young sex offenders have often been abused themselves beforehand, whereby it is assumed that the perpetrators try to cope with their own experiences of abuse by re-enactment. This is particularly evident when perpetrators abuse their victims in the same way as they were abused themselves. Sigmund Freud already reported a case in which a three-year-old was coerced into sexual acts by his five-year-old sister. His sister had used the age difference and her greater intelligence to dominate, humiliate and torture her brother with a picture of a wolf. During puberty he tried to turn the childhood situation around and sexually harassed his sister, who rejected him, but he found other female victims who were mentally inferior to him and whose abuse was intended to compensate for his own humiliation. In the view of psychoanalysis, rape represents the displacement of an intrapsychic conflict outwards; That is, the perpetrator can momentarily deny his own feeling of worthlessness, inadequacy, vulnerability through a triumphant experience of mightiness, strength and potency. Sex offenders who have been abused themselves show sexualized behavior in childhood, experience a higher level of arousal, are more emotionally unstable, have more thoughts of suicide, are more often aggressive and depressed. Even if such compensatory tendencies are usually tangible and conspicuous, the causes and consequences of sexual abuse remain multifaceted and complex.

Abuse of children and adolescents by one's own siblings

Klees & Kettritz (2018) show in their anthology that children and adolescents sexually abuse their siblings more often than assumed, often violently and for years, whereby these offenses usually become a closely guarded family secret and are only known in exceptional cases. Sexualized violence by siblings can only be understood in the context of the family system, whereby, in addition to the individual risk factors of the assaulting children and adolescents, primarily family dynamic risk factors are considered to be the causes of sexualized violence, such as a patriarchal role distribution, psychological and / or emotional absence and inaccessibility of the parents, dysfunctional Limits of the family system, parental preference of a child, high number of siblings, sexually stimulating and / or puritanical family milieu, victim experiences of the siblings and a multigenerational transmission of abuse and abuse patterns. In therapy for offenders, in addition to coming to terms with the crime, the aim must be to discredit sexuality as a means of exercising power. Sexualized assault means that sexuality has lost its original function and has become a means of exercising power. In this context, this means that sexualized assault does not represent the satisfaction of sexual needs with inadmissible means, but rather, in therapy work with the perpetrators concerned, one must find out the reasons for the desire to exercise power, deal with them and create help for them. The aim is to convey how the perpetrators can live their sexual, emotional and social needs without violence and manipulation, because often not only the victims but also the perpetrators are traumatized, and both require differentiated trauma therapy. We know from experience that some victims can become perpetrators almost seamlessly and vice versa.

Frequency of sexual abuse

There are a number of studies on the frequency and types of sexual abuse, which come to different results depending on the definition of the term "sexual abuse" and the method of data collection (initial samples, age limits used) (cf. Engfer 1998, p. 1009) . It is therefore not possible to state the actual extent of sexual abuse. Most of the time, figures from the advertising statistics are used and extrapolated using the number of unreported cases calculated by experts from 1:18 to 1:20. In 1995 there were 602 reports of sexual offenses (sexual intercourse and fornication with minors) against under 14 year olds in Austria. 198 sexual offenses (rape and sexual assault) against young people between the ages of 14 and 19 were reported.

In 1990, Kinzl & Biebl (1993) carried out a questionnaire survey among students at the University of Innsbruck with the aim of recording the prevalence rates of experiences of sexual abuse in childhood and adolescence in a non-clinical group, as well as ascertaining psychosocial and familial risk factors. The authors sent out a total of 2,000 questionnaires, of which 1,125 were returned as usable. The significantly lower number of returned questionnaires by male students (367) suggests that males are less sensitive and concerned about this topic than women (758 returned questionnaires). 35.9% of the female students and 18.5% of the students report experiences of abuse Of the 758 female students who returned the questionnaire, 35.9% had experiences of sexual abuse. Of these, 18.3% were one-time and 17.6% repeated less severe or severe sexual abuse experiences. 18.5% of the 367 male students who returned the questionnaire reported experiences of sexual abuse in childhood and adolescence, of which 11.4% were one-time and 7.1% repeated less severe or severe abuse experiences. Due to the selectivity of the population examined, the data cannot simply be transferred to the general population. Due to the complete anonymity of the data collection, no statements can be made about people who have not completed the questionnaire. It must be assumed that even with victimization studies, the true extent of sexual abuse cannot be recorded, but rather an underestimation of the extent is to be expected.

Male Abuse Victims

The number of unreported cases of sexual assault on boys or men is significantly higher than that of women, because according to a study by the University of Regensburg, around five percent of male adolescents and young adults in Germany were sexually abused as children, seven percent reported stressful sexual experiences, for example twice as many remember border violations. But it is an enormous hurdle for male victims to report these events to others. Several studies show that men hesitate much longer to reveal themselves than women who have experienced the same thing. An American study of male abuse victims found that affected men only talk to someone about their experiences after an average of twenty-one years, and it takes another seven years before they begin to come to terms with what they have experienced. The reasons for the silence are manifold, whereby society and its views are probably a key to it. In addition to shame, it is above all the common norms of masculinity, because abuse is viewed as a violation of his masculinity. In Western cultures, men learn to be strong, not to cry, to have answers, to be the provider, and there is also the fact that many men who have been abused by a man fear being gay and therefore being discriminated against.

source: Jana Hauschild: Why male victims are often silent.
http://www.spiegel.de/gesundheit/psychologie/sexueller-missrauch-warum-maennliche-opfer-oft-schweigen-a-1199444.html (18-05-11)

The figures on sexual abuse of boys mostly come from the Anglo-American region, with between 10 and 20 percent of the boys being affected. The perpetrators of sexual abuse of boys are mostly men. The percentage of women who molest boys is less than one percent. Women usually only abuse children in unity with a man. Sexual abuse of boys does not usually occur through men who play the role of father for the respective boy, but through other male relatives, good family or friends or foreign offenders (examples: neighbors, pastors, teachers, youth group leaders, football coaches, home educators , Etc.). This means that boys are sexually abused in the near social field. If the boy's father is actually the perpetrator, the girls in this family are also affected.

If the majority of boys have to endure sexual abuse outside of the family, the consequences for boys are different from those for girls, but this does not mean that the consequences are less serious. The boy who has endured sexual assault usually receives both emotional support from his family and understanding for his situation in public. Because the perpetrator is not a family member, a boy is more likely to avoid situations in which the assault can recur. The relationship with the perpetrator can usually be broken off at any time. The obvious step is to file a complaint against the perpetrator. Other family members are rarely involved in such a case. The boy's family is not threatened in their existence by what was done to him. There is neither the question of a home placement nor that of the destruction of the family. The sexual abuse of a boy by an offender outside the family hardly calls into question the cohesion of the entire family system. Boys learn very early that to be masculine means to be superior, to dominate over weaker ones and to defeat them. That's why they have Difficulty feeling like a victimwhen they are sexually assaulted. In addition, in our society homosexual acts are considered perverse and socially ostracized. This often makes it difficult for the boy to confide in someone. For them, reporting sexual abuse means accepting the role of victim, but they defend themselves against it. They don't want to be weak and available like girls, which is why they often prefer to be silent. They are therefore more likely to identify with the perpetrator, they want to prove their masculinity, which means subjugating supposedly weaker people. Boys turn the sexual violence they have experienced less against themselves and, as a rule, outwards. They become perpetrators themselves by humiliating and abusing smaller boys and girls, e.g. by stimulating sexual activities. Sexual abuse always serves to demonstrate the loser's own power and strength and to secure both again through submission.

Work with sexually abused boys is also primarily done by women, but the boys need gender-specific help. They need male identification figures who help them to build a new self-image, who show them that men can also show feelings, accept help and resolve conflicts without (sexual) violence.

Sexual abuse of the disabled

Children and young people with disabilities are often used to abuse and exercise of power, so that sexual violence usually only becomes an additional aspect of their existence. The structural power of institutions, the incapacitation of many issues of everyday life, the regulation of their lives up to the most intimate areas such as personal hygiene and sexuality make it difficult for them to say "no", to defend themselves or to even recognize violence as such and to name. Sexual violence against people with disabilities is a taboo subject and a well-kept secret by those affected, carers and the public. There are only a few studies on the extent of sexual violence against people with disabilities and in the institutions questions of sexual violence are mostly only addressed when necessary, marginally or not at all. One reason for the hesitant confrontation with sexual violence is probably the general tabooing of sexuality in the lives of the disabled, but it should hardly differ from the figures for the rest of the population. The risk of becoming a victim of sexual violence is high where there is a power and dependency relationship between the carer and the young person to be cared for. The perpetrators, who come from everyday close proximity, use their relationships of power, dependency and trust, not only to make the victim obedient, but also to enforce secrecy. Disabled children and young people are even more dependent on adults, have less rights and are more powerless than non-disabled children. Especially mentally handicapped children and adolescents are much less able than their peers to recognize the use of their person for sexual acts due to their not age-appropriate intellectual development. The practice of sterilizing disabled girls in adolescence also offers them as victims for a "crime without consequences". Also, when they report abuse or give non-verbal signs, disabled people are even less believed than non-disabled girls and boys. "And if so, she should be happy that someone is interested in her at all" - that is the widespread opinion "(Enders, 1990, p. 52).

Perpetrator

The perpetrators involved in sexual abuse are classified according to the following types:

  • Regressive type: his primary sexual orientation is towards adults, but he is sexually excitable from children.Due to the easy availability of children, non-sexual problems and problems with adult sexual partners, he resorts to children for sexual satisfaction. One therefore speaks of a substitute object perpetrator.
  • Fixed type: he is characterized by his primary sexual orientation towards children. He is not or hardly sexually excitable by adults. It's the classic pedophile.
  • Sociopathic type: he is characterized by a lack of empathy for victims and sometimes by sadistic tendencies. Sexuality does not serve him primarily for sexual satisfaction, but as a means of oppression. In this context, it is also referred to as a sadistic type.

According to conservative estimates, the regressive perpetrators are most common at around 90 percent. The fixed type follows in second place with around two to ten percent. The sociopathic type occurs only in a few isolated cases.

There is a lack of empirically sound research into perpetrators, as it is difficult to find perpetrators for investigations who admit to their abuse (cf. Engfer 1998, p. 1011). According to the current situation, men make up around 85 to 90 percent of the perpetrators, most of whom come from the social environment of children. It is true that women are increasingly coming into the public eye as perpetrators, but it can be assumed that this is oversubscribed in the media. Scientific knowledge contradicts this.

Kiel researchers suspect after examining the typical Brain reactions at Pedophilesthat the sexual orientation is for the most part already established when they are born or in an earlier area of ​​postnatal development. The typical patterns when looking at relevant images developed in the experiment before the image content became conscious, because only then is the visual cortex activated in order to record as many of the images as possible, which then activate the reward center in the brain. Such subliminal perceptual reactions cannot be deliberately influenced, so that the attempt to detect a pedophile tendency with an fMRI measurement is more precise than previous methods such as phallometry, in which men are exposed to certain stimuli and the penile reaction is then measured. The high accuracy of the distinction between pedophiles and non-pedophiles of 95 percent is only possible under laboratory conditions, whereby the question also arises whether the fantasies that are measured with this method are meaningful enough, because not all fantasies involve a compulsion to act with himself.
source: Welt am Sonntag from September 9, 2011

An investigation of abused female students revealed the following ratio: half of the perpetrators were acquaintances, a quarter were relatives and relatives and only a fifth were foreign perpetrators. The biological father is only the perpetrator in around 2-3% of abused girls (cf. Engfer 1998, p. 1010f). Among boys, at 10 to 20%, the perpetrators come from the family somewhat less often than among girls (cf. Bange & Deegener 1996, p. 49). Perpetrators are often men with a low self-esteem, "who deliberately seek children in order to satisfy their own feelings of neglect and helplessness, their own fears and inferiority, their hatred and anger at the expense of the children," whereby a large proportion of the perpetrators do not only sexually abuses one child, but is always looking for new victims (Bange & Deegener 1996, p. 56, p. 132).

The Upper Austrian Child and Youth Ombudsman (Streicher-Pehböck & Winkler-Kirchberger 2000) assumes that 90% of sexually abused children know the perpetrator and have a relationship of trust with him. Around a third of the perpetrators are still children or adolescents themselves and only a tenth are over 50 years old, i.e. the children and adolescents are most often sexually abused by their peers or only slightly older (cf. Bange & Deegener 1996, p. 50) .

The most frequent Perpetrator strategy, especially in the circle of relatives is the emotional affection, with less close people there is also the threat or exercise of physical or psychological violence (cf. Engfer 1998, p. 1011). Bange & Deegener (1996, p. 49) cite studies that assume that physical violence or threats occur in more than 50% of abuse cases, while other perpetrators use manipulative strategies such as gifts of money. Often there is also a subtle mixture of violence (threats) and emotional dependencies, which can make statistical separation into different perpetrator strategies difficult.

Apart from exceptional cases (e.g. third-party perpetrators), sexual exploitation does not begin with the rape of the victim, but almost always with the special "attention" on the part of the abuser, e.g. the grandfather declares the four-year-old to be his favorite granddaughter. The girl enjoys the old man's attention and caresses, but then Grandpa's hand slips into the little girl's panties as if by chance; nobody notices this. The child struggles, turns away and stiffens. It also bothers her that Grandpa's "pee man" always gets so hard when he presses against her. Nobody understands that she no longer wants to visit her grandfather.

In the early stages, sexual exploitation is often disguised as a game. Criminals from close social circles use the "courting" scam with older children (from primary school age). The child is treated like an adult, e.g. is allowed to smoke, is invited to dinner, and is given alcohol to drink. Children have a deep feeling for the worries and needs of other people. It is often easy for adults to abuse childish compassion for their own benefit: "I am so lonely, I have no family. It is good that you are so nice." With the help of gifts, the victim is additionally bought and blackmailed.

The Upper Austrian Child and Youth Ombudsman (Streicher-Pehböck & Winkler-Kirchberger 2000, p. 8) names the following three main perpetrator strategies:

  • Confusing victims, making victims believe they were wrong.
  • Creating a sense of reciprocity in the victim. The victim should feel that they are responsible for the crime themselves.
  • Perpetrators present their behavior as "normal", trivialize or deny the abuse. They take no responsibility for their actions.

Research results of the German Youth Institute from 2017 on the extent and handling of sexual violence in homes and schools now provide indications for better prevention. The groups at particular risk include young people who live in homes and who have often experienced violence in their families. Of the 300 adolescents who were interviewed in different homes, seven percent said they had attempted or had rape since they lived in the home, and twenty percent had experienced other acts of sexual violence with physical contact. In most cases, perpetrators are peers outside or inside the facility. Four percent of the attacks are attributed to professionals or other adults in the home. In order to protect children and young people from further sexual violence, a trusting relationship with specialists and clear complaint channels in homes, schools and clubs are crucial. Currently, only a fifth of the young people affected turn to specialists in the home because they fear, among other things, negative reactions and greater control, less than five percent approach persons who have complaints in the home supervision or in the youth welfare office. On the other hand, almost a third confides in a friend.

Sexual abuse on social media

Barbara Krahé, professor of social psychology at the University of Potsdam, explains in an interview why men over Tinder, Whatsapp or Facebook a Picture of her sexual organ send to women without being asked. She says: “The penis, one's own sexual potency, is traditionally and therefore for many as the absolute epitome of masculinity. Men who think they have to send pictures of their genitals have a problem with their masculinity: They want to make sure of how masculine they are and then prove it to women. You have the need to exercise power: I am a real man because I decide where the limits are - and I deliberately cross them. Just because I can. ”The senders are usually aware that this behavior is not okay and to do it anyway means courage and dominance. These pictures are often sent to women who do not know the sender at all. The anonymity that the sender can maintain lowers the threshold for anti-social behavior in all social groups. Under the guise of a profile that hardly allows conclusions to be drawn about one's own identity, one can try it out, go overboard: tempting for someone who wants to assure himself of his masculinity, not only for the sexually frustrated. It is not about exhibitionismbecause an exhibitionist wants to show himself naked and then he has achieved his goal, finds satisfaction, does not necessarily expect a direct reaction from others. A sender of such pictures knowingly crosses borders, wants to know exactly: How do you like what you see? If the recipient does not fight back, the sender feels confirmed in his masculinity. Goal achieved. “If the recipient reacts negatively or critically, it often happens in a flash: The man who showed his penis becomes extremely insulting, becomes aggressive. The moment the woman struggles, she balances out the power difference. In the "Men's Worlds" video you can see what happens next: This moment is unbearable for the man who wanted to be perceived as strong and is looking for confirmation. "

Sexualized group violence against children

A special form of abuse is sexualised group violence against children. There is a group of adult men and women who long to torture and rape children and adolescents and who live out these cravings with like-minded people. When the victims of the abuse grow up, they often also become perpetrators or lead apparently normal lives, often with concealed severe mental disorders. Fliss & Igney et al. (2018) authentically report in a documentary on the torture techniques, the suffering, the long-term consequences and the possibilities of help in social work and psychotherapy. According to the psychologist Sylvia Schramm, the perpetrators want to beat little girls and boys and hang them on hooks, exercise sexual violence against children together in groups, see the children suffering in agony, smear the children with blood and force them into sodomy, whereby the great demand for the Production of hardcore child porn speaks volumes. Children are trained with sophisticated cruel technology in order to function as perfectly as possible, i. That is, they shouldn't cry, scream or whine, unless this is desired in the role-playing games. You should not vomit, wet your body, or poop, unless the adults want it to. They should also smile so that some adults can stay under the illusion that sex is nice for the children too. This requires children who immediately do what adults tell them to do and who behave as inconspicuously as possible the next day after experiencing torture in kindergarten and school. For those affected, an exit from the milieu is only possible with great risks and difficulties, because the group tries to prevent it by forcing the victim to complicity. The training of the victim can also be so successful in the long term that he lacks the strength to take decisive initiative even in later adulthood. many of those affected have also suppressed the horror memories, i.e. split off in order to function in normal everyday life. In therapies they come mainly because of the disorders and symptoms that have arisen with the manipulation and violence, whereby it is in the context of a Dissociative identity disorder these women and men are often unaware that previous experiences of violence are causing their current mental disorders.
literature: Fliß, Claudia & Igney, Claudia (eds.). Handbook of ritual violence - recognition, help for those affected. Interdisciplinary cooperation. Pabst.


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